There is a massive amount of research on British fascism, far more than one time. It was very hard to find stuff on British fascism actually, but in the last 1520 years there's been a great deal of publications. One of the books that I find particularly useful is Martin Pugh and his book her after the Blackshirts, which of course is the Daily Mail's view of.

Also mostly should be calling, so Rd was Oswald Mosley. This is a good question isn't it? Of course he was only a Sir because of course as a I think it's the lowest rank of hereditary titles. He was allowed to use the title 'cause he's a Baronet.

He didn't get it forbid doing anything fantastic. It wasn't conford upon it or something that he chose to use.

His handle if you like nevertheless mostly was, is an interesting character. I think historically perhaps somewhat misunderstood character, but don't get me wrong, if you like.

It is not some kind of defensive, also mostly but a character that we do need to understand because I think historians awkward people because they want to try and understand things and that sometimes goes against popular mythology of history. In this case, I don't think it's going against some kind of popular mythology and trying to say it wasn't as bad as it was cracked up to be. That's not exactly what I'm saying instead, so I'm saying that the opposite, exact opposite, that that it's worse.

But it's worse than it's crowd was cracked up to be. If you like becausw the term fascism and I'm gonna give you a very brief.

Definition of fascism. But it's completely inadequate, because any definition of fascism is an adequate short. Kevin would agree with this. You never hit the nail on the head because you always find, oh, but what about this example? It's completely is rather different, isn't it? Yeah, 'cause each fascism is different, but I feel there are some. There are enough generic characteristics that we can talk about fascism and the British version certainly fits into that in some way.

I'll send a handout with more detail on that because I'm only gonna skate over it today. 'cause this isn't the time to to talk about in great depth, but I won't talk about the genetic Genesis Innocence of the British Union of fascists, which was not the only fascist organization in the interwar period Britain, but it was, of course, by by by far, and away the most significant of them.

I'll say a little bit about.

Some of the figures and incidents associated with British Fascism and show a clip relating to the Battle Cable Street with some people talking who were there, which is always good. 'cause I need primary sources vitally important. I started off with the photograph though created will recognize this and some of the rest of you will recognize this photograph. This rather smug is that the right term, I don't know.

Certainly for the tallest man in the center, with his hand up not wearing uniforms. Ah, not wearing it. This is only 37. You see this year after the British Parliament banned the wearing of uniforms, which of course is it was a consequence of cable St which will come to later on. This is actually doing the Berman. See March of the 3rd of October 1937.

And one could say a lot about this photograph. I think it supposed photograph. It's a photo opportunity, shall we say politicians love photo photo opportunities, don't they? They they have the kind of bulldog figure in the center, which I always makes me laugh because it kind of typifies the the the general perception of fascism, which is basically thugs. In fact the general if you ask most people, what do you think fascists otherwise thugs?

And you know one has to say that many of them were.

Looking at the social class nature of this group, it seems fairly clear that many of them are working class origin, not the one in the center, though, and possibly not one or two of the others as well. Is that it is based upon dress, I suppose, based upon stance, possibly based upon expression, perhaps to some extent, but of course mostly stands out in the sense of not being working class, but he was somebody who had had a distinguished.

Military.

Record him, see was he fought in the First World War, and when he's organizing his British Union of fascists in 1932, he does draw upon his many people he kept in contact with from the war. And undoubtedly this sense of Noblesse oblige the idea of somebody. Well, you know, I often think that there's a certain perception of some of the people who are leading us. Today I used the word leading.

It looks like the.

And the response of some people I talked to said, well, they must know what they're doing because of course they've been highly educated. These are people from the ranks top ranks of SoC, aren't they? Yeah so you know what I mean? This idea of of the notion that these kind of people must be honorable must be. They must know something that we don't very dangerous perceptions. Indeed, you might say. Certainly mostly is look like.

Another thing about Mosley is he was not a fool.

Some people have suggested that maybe I mean, I think these things are very difficult to us, but possibly one of the more intelligent of the fascist leaders, you know.

Certainly somebody who had a track record in politics, he he's been.

MP during the 1920s he stood first for the Tories for Harrow, 1918 to 1922 he was Tory MP for Harrow, then he became an independent in 1922.

And he's then stood against Neville Chamberlain in Birmingham. Lady Smith, sorry lady, would ladies method another thing Ladywood constituency where he came within 100 votes of beating chamber. Now that you you know that's that's quite something really. If you think about it, you know the Chamberlains and Birmingham long history. Very, very significant political family. And here mostly comes along and nearly beats him.

Didn't though he was standing for Labour though, and he in 1924 when he won.

The only place to the labor count in Birmingham, but he stood in Smectic in 1924 and one and he was not only a Labour MP until 1931, but he was also in government and somebody who had quite considerable influence, an undoubtedly had quite a lot of followings amongst the elements of the left. Again, something that perhaps filters into this notion of.

Conception of fascism that it's sometimes people use the rather hackneyed, and I think very misleading idea of politics being a circle and the extremes. If you like the two extremes meet, I think that's ridiculous. Frankly, I don't think many political scientists would would, would, would agree with that. There are profound differences between far left and far right, and I'll try and say.

I like to highlight a few of those, but it is true to say that there are certain conceptions that political different political complexions colors have in common.

And undoubtedly, when we when we turn to fascism and we try and say, well, what is fascism? Was the nature of fascism? I would you know I've gotta, you know, yes, sorry this is just.

A few quotes for this from agent B Taylor. He's always always good for a laugh edge of bed Taylor. Yeah, he's a gifted Playboy who was essentially an actor touring the provinces in the play which someone else had made a success in London I quite like that and then mostly aspired to be the great dictator Sir Charles Chaplin played the role better. There he is playing the role better. So defining fascism I'm moving very swiftly. Through this I've got quite a few. I don't often have a lot of power points, but this time I do.

Quite a lot of photographs later on, which I'll probably scoot through, but I've tried to divine fascism.

Drawing upon Martin Kitchens brilliant book or just called fascism, which is quite old now, but it's very very good. I've drawn a lot of Martin kitchens ideas here and added a few bits of my own. You know I'm not going through all of this, but it does seem very clear to me that fascism as a movement is very different to fascism in power. So in a sense, with the British where we're dealing just with fascism as a movement, because of course many people would say, well, what's what's noted. One thing that's notable about British Fascism is how much of a failure it was.

You know he did not do it in political.

Terms it barely scratched the surface in terms of Britain, its membership. We don't have exact figures for fascist parties, but it could never have been more than 40,000, but that's a very, very high figure, I think for it probably never lower than 5000, though during the 1930s and at the height of the British Union of fascists in the mid 30s, you know, certainly it was a movement.

With a reasonable following.

But really, never a big organization in any sense. It never did very well at the polls. It didn't secure any MPs, unlike the Communist Party actually, which is often compared erroneously, really because communism is further something very, very different. But also it's often pointed out that Communism in Britain also didn't do very well, which of course leads people to say Oh well, that's because the British don't like extremism.

That's because the British like a kind of middle of the road parliamentarism, of which there's a lot of truth in that. However, the problem there is it kind of rather blunt fascism and says, well, fascism really is never really much of a threat and we shouldn't get too worried about it. Martin Pugh, in his book. I think one of the things that's so good about his book, is that he, you know, he makes the point that actually if we think if we forget a kind of rigid definition of fascism and we look at the way it ties up with other political.

Police, particularly on the right.

And particularly, and I suppose I'll annoy some people for saying this. the British Conservative Party.

Because there were a lot of British Conservatives who were in and around fascism, really until.

The mid 30s and you know the rather mayor. You know his, his newspapers, the Daily Mail and the Sunday dispatch both. Effectively you know as as Kareena was was talking about. You know you get this this, this, this this important media tycoon and I think John mentioned Murdock as well. I'm not saying murders of Ashes by the way, but you know? But who promote what are marginal movements?

And promote them in mainstream media. This happened in Germany. It happened in Italy with media barons who promoted these groups. 'cause I mean Nazism was a very marginal movement in the late 1920s in Germany, but it did get the support of a major. If you like the German Rupert Murdoch of his time or role of mother and brother mirrors time Hugenberg have got behind Hitler.

And these are people. Are they fascists necessarily? I I don't think the Daily Mail as much as I dislike the Daily Mail. I don't think it's a fascist newspaper. I don't think it was ever a fascist newspaper. Frankly, not really. When you start to look at things. But that's the point.

You know you get people who are maybe not fascists, but they think, well, this organization might. Well, I agree with many of the things that it's saying. It may well promote some of the social projects I'd like to see promoted. Particularly, you know, as a movement you know fascist movements.

No, they they they they arise after the First World War. It's a It's a. It's a It's Roger Griffin who has written a lot about this as it 'cause it's soldierly nationalism he looks at people like you look at Mussolini.

Franco Franco wasn't involved in the First World War, but frankly was a military man. The idea of the soldier, and you know, and and far right ideas or authoritarian ideas. Often quite traditionalist ideas. I've been very concerned ideas and certainly ideas which really don't have very much to do with the great love of democracy, shall we say.

These people tended to veer towards fascist movements or movements, which could be described as fascist.

That it drew, you know it happened.

In countries where there was significant levels of capitalist development, undoubtedly Britain is the case. That is the case casing point, but it drew support from the lower middle classes and from elements of the working class is certainly the British fascists. Did they drew quite a lot of working class support, some from unemployed workers.

However.

The fact was that in Britain, the vast majority of working class political support went to the Labour Party.

Some to the Liberal Party and some to the Conservative Party.

In terms of fascism, drawing away a large section, it never did threw away a large section of anyone really. To be honest, it was always, you know, moderate. Only modestly supported where it was strongest anas's Pew points out there is. You know, the tendency to see it as focused in East End of London's focused on leads in Manchester and a few other major cities which is very misleading as looking at reports of fascist rally in Leeds.

Where there were 2000 people where mostly was speaking, but actually most of the people who were supporting the the BUF were bused in from outside.

Actually, Fascist Fascism in Britain was to a large extent a rural movement. Strangely enough, that might surprise you, but in terms of the actual members and active supporters, they tended to be not, you know, industrial working class supporters. They tended to be from perhaps, shall we say more conservative elements in society, and I suppose that's one of the motifs that comes out of this. But there were people who may have supported other groups as well.

Who move across to supports fascist movements? That fascism is a reaction is a reaction against working class that certainly and with revolutionary tendencies. Well it doesn't really work in the British case, of course, because the British working class notoriously does not have revolutionary tendencies.

But nevertheless, fascism was also a reaction against what was perceived to be a decay in society, perceived to be a kind of, you know, if you like decline in society.

Hence it was able to fuse lots and lots of different concerns.

One of the concerns was also about the decline of the ruling class is interesting enough that there was a fear that these you know that these old the old Elites had LED us into the First World War. First World War is tremendously important in understanding the Genesis of fascism. You know that these people had LED us into the war. We fought the war, we fought a war which really shouldn't. We shouldn't afford, you know, you get many of them, saying, Well, you know we have no taxes for the Germans.

You know that we were misled. If you like into conflict for which we paid the blood sacrifice.

And we need to rest power from those that elite. Now these were. So this is the old political classes. Then in the sense that something you get in most examples of fascism you know a desire that we've got the answers. And hence fascism tends to kind of take on quite an modernizing streak to it. Certainly Mussolini did, and.

There's no doubt that mostly, although he would later on of course be associated with with, with with with German fascism to some extent for the most part, mostly was really modeled upon Mussolini and was really looking his in his conversion. Which decision to set up a party? A fascist party came after he had visited Mussolini's Italy in 1932.

Um?

Also, fascism fascist movements come at times of social economic crisis. That's exactly the case. Clearly, the 1930s was a massive crisis. Britain had possibly as high as 23%. Unemployment 1932 was the worst year of depression as far as Britain was concerned.

And there's no doubt that there was a feeling that there was there was a lack of leadership in Britain, and fascist ideologies tend to, you know, to to want to promote an idea of unity of the nation. Sometimes unity of the race, because there's no doubt that forms of racism does are important.

In fascist ideologists antisemitism. Well, interesting enough. In the British case, antisemitism comes in a bit later on in terms of mostly is a device that comes really after the 1934 Olympia rally, which actually damages the fascist party very substantially and leads to rather mere withdrawing his support for the party because of the violence at the Olympia meeting in June 34 and.

As a response to that mostly ramps up his antisemitism and makes Anti Semitism, so it's in part kind of device really too.

And that's where you start to see the British Union fascists. You know, making closer ties with the German with German fascism, does that mean that they weren't anti Semitic before? No clearly agile semitism is an old, well established aspect of all European countries in one way or another. So there are those, those those channels that can be mined by political parties. That's the point though it seems that.

The British Union of fascists started to mine antisemitism. If you looked at other fascist organisations in the 1920s and 30s, many of them are antisemitic, but they're not all Anti Semitic, which is quite interesting, isn't it? And it's often pointed out that in it Italian fascism was not, especially anti Semitic and possibly musolini wasn't at all until it became politically useful for him to mobilize anti semitism in the late 30s in order to show his solidarity with Hitler.

However, that's also misleading because there's undoubtedly were anti Semites in Italian fascism, right? The way through, so you can you know it's it's possible to go down rabbit holes if you're not careful with some of these questions. I think what you're looking at is you're looking at quite a broad movement in many respects.

Which contains quite a wide range of different perspectives, but there's no doubt that they they are hostile to the left, that hostile to Communism mostly was a deep, profound anti communist and they provide, you know if you like mobilizing.

Ideas for you know? For for those hostile to left, which brings in a surprising number of conservative MPs who become quite interested in the fascist movement, they never join it. They're often on the fringes of it, and fascism in Britain. You know, it's it's a much broader.

Fenomena than simply the British Union of fascists, and it goes quite deep. You know you can. You can list a number of them. You know, Viscount, Lymington, Henry Drummond, Wolff, Saint Patrick Hannon will fit Ashley Lord, Mount Temple, Lord Leftenant JTC Moore Brabazon, Lord Brabazon of tarrazu boss Alan Lennox Boyd the Marcus Marcus of Clydesdale etc. He was the Duke of Hamilton and other people as well.

Who were very much attracted by many of the things that fascism stood for, but usually stood on the sidelines and didn't actually join. And there was an awful lot of clandestine meeting meeting at country houses of people with a fascist sort of. They were kind of on the fringes. You know, you couldn't really nail him down, but you know. And then, of course, there's the intriguing connection with the Royal family.

And you know, was you know was what would you point it was? It was, you know, fascist.

So Prince of Wales I'm talking about, we know was the fascist? Probably not, but certainly somebody who was, you know, had certain.

I'm inclinations towards authoritarian leadership, Anne Anne, who might have been had he become had he stayed, remained King, you know, being a sort of fellow traveler in a way someone who seen as potentially dangerous and that was recognized by the establishment itself. So you know you've got this. This kind of broad spectrum, I think, which is very important, I think comes across in pews book very well, you know.

Where if we're if we're watching the nail this down too much, then we're going to find it very difficult, but there are certain characteristics that come together in fascism. Fascism power not going to go through this one, but I will send it to you as you know, as a handout, because here I think we are dealing with.

With with fascist movements that successful in Britain.

The fascists were not successful, though they were. They were, they were startlingly unsuccessful, however.

However, there's always a. However, if you then look at those people who were connected with appeasement, which is not the same thing as saying no fascists, but appeasement was very much about finding some kind of accommodation with regimes that were fascist, then you start to see that you know the. In Britain, the engagement with fashions was less an engagement so much with.

The British fascist parties but certainly wasn't engagement with how to deal with fascism in Europe.

And one response to that of course was to try to make deals with them.

I appeasement and we get to the whole guilty men.

Scenario, which of course is not saying you know that these people, Chamberlain etc even anti need and for a time quite a long time in fact were fascists. They clearly weren't. But the fact that they that they felt that they could come to some accommodation, at least in Eden's case until 1938, tells us something. And one of the things it tells us is that really, generally speaking the establishment.

Those found in the 20s and 30s apart from the two periods of Labor minority government were conservative decades.

That they felt that communism was more dangerous to them than fascism.

And you know, and this. This is a very disturbing issue. I think it means that the question around appeasement is not simply some historical curiosity actually was.

Right at the center of political thinking by those in power in the late 1930s.

And people who thought differently tended to be excluded. And as we know, Churchill was one who did think differently, although he had some very contradictory perspectives when it came to, for example, Spanish civil war. Nevertheless, you'll see did realize that Franco won. It was hardly going to be strategically very useful to Britain and France.

Because he did identify Nazi Germany as a potential aggressor.

So fascism in power I'm gonna skirt skirt over. But you know I will send you the British fascist movement. I'm not going to go through this whole graph, but.

This this graphic but you can see that there are a number of different groups starting in 1923, most of them inspired by the Italian fascist by Mussolini. It also mentions the new party which was mozelos party. He set up after you left the Labour Party, which was an attempt to establish a party based upon what I suppose today might be referred to as Kenzie and economic policies. The idea?

Of you know, nationalization of some parts of the economy, you want to nationalize banks, for example and the idea of setting up kind of new deal for.

Regeneration and create job creation schemes through central planning. If you like that was his idea of the new party, which was spectacularly unsuccessful, he couldn't get re elected. He couldn't get elected under the new party, and he then went to Italy. Look to what Musolini was doing and came back and said we must have our own fascist organization here and.

They set up the British Union of fascists, to which a number of groups also joined that.

But there were other splinter groups that broke away from it later on. As you can see.

But the British Union fascists remained the key.

The key element of British fascism through the 1930s.

It was the biggest party by a long, long way and biggest group, and it's the one which gained the most support as the most support and the most attention. And here you see the.

Isn't this this was a new party meeting? So this is this is prior to setting up the fascist party here we see mostly in the middle of this and you know, there being a right at that meeting where people had accused it of moving towards fascism. Although it had support from some Socialists as well, but.

9030 charge storage, but put a few things in. You know they they. They use the symbol of this, this this this Roman symbol again exactly taken from.

Fascist Italy of course. I just thought I'd give you a few symbols. Another slide, I think with a Yes this this this becomes their their flag, which was adopted in 1935.

You see I was the one reason I put this up is because you know there is this notion of fascism and Modernism.

I always think that there is a sort of Association of modernism with fascism. It wants to be modern. It was to be progressive in some respects, especially as a as a as a movement once it gets to power. Fascism becomes profoundly conservative again, and you know, but in its rise to power, it likes to have a pop at everybody has a pop up the capitalists, for example, it presents itself as a kind of proletarian movement. To some extent. You know when it gets to power. Of course, it becomes incredibly conformist.

And does all sorts of deals with big business, even if it has its own ambitions too. But I like this notion of Modernism. And of course in Italy, you know you have the futurist movement big like Marinetti who were very much associated with with with with early stages of fascism. Some of them actually parted company with the fascist later on, but you know, and it seems to me that fascism is a modern movement. It's a modernist movement.

It likes it, wants a modern economy. It wants a modern, better, particularly interested in the military. Of course it wants a modern military etc. Ones power, etc. Also, it's interesting. The red, white and blue colourings here, because of course one of the things that fascism also tends to be is very imperialistic, and there's no doubt Oswald Mosley was very very keen on the British Empire, and again, that's another point of convergence between.

The British fascists and conservative politicians, many conservative politicians. They could all agree that British Empire was a great thing and we had to make more of it. And in fact, one of the things that mostly talks about in his in some of his pamphlet, some of which have have the term in them. He talks about greater Britain and this was an old Trope. It's not new idea, greater Britain, greater Britain, being talked about the late 19th century, and it meant the White Empire, the White Empire. It meant Britain, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa.

Newfound land, it meant all of those dominions that would be, you know, brought together as a very, very powerful entity, so thought. It also was about a single market as well. Interestingly enough, the idea of a single trading area, this these things were very, very important, which still have a degree of sort of resonance even to this day pads so.

Opponents called this the flash in the pan, which is what fascism turned out to be.

Just a few. Here's his newspaper, the black shirt. They have number of newspapers, the black shirt onto the fascist revolution. See Fascism in its rise to power. Although of course they never got to power is very likes to be really quite revolutionary in a way. But of course always in a way that uses the revolution really being, you know, being being the masses, being the people you know against against those cliques in society.

And Anti Semitism sort of fits into that because you identifying those people who are kind of the Anti Britain, those people who you know, those foreign elements you see it today in a lot of quasi fascist parties like in Poland for example in Hungary where they identify you know Jews and the Jewish world conspiracy that these these foreign influences who well we can't, we gotta control them, You know 'cause they're going to, you know it's it's it's it's this world conspiracy this you know.

Protocols of the elders of Zion that Kevin talked about a few weeks ago. You know, fascinating notion, but of course it's completely invented because you need to have this enemy. You always have to have this enemy that you know is the Anti Britain. In this case it was the same with all fascist movements really.

And you know this comes, you know, becomes a major factor. You know they always attacking parliament. There was attacking parliament and there's lots of screen as pointed out in relation to the novel. But of course it still simulation to reality. People like whole Belisha for example seems very suspicious. They were Jewish, you know. So you identify those characters who are Jewish, isn't there in the pay of a foreign regime, you get that today, don't you?

With that another another Empire. Britain for the British, Britain for the British, that's a great slogan isn't it? Prints what do we mean by that? Who knows, you know, but it sounds good, doesn't it? It sounds good you know, anti immigration. Of course. One see all sorts of things there.

Another one there, or Peace. Now Karina talked about this so you know no war for Jewish finance. Well, there's no pulling punches there is that you know, the idea that war was being.

Is being encouraged by Jewish financieres who stood to gain of course from war, and this was another trope that you to find. You know a lot and still do to this day. Find you know Soros. George Soros is often accused of this. Isn't the you know by the Hungarian fascist government?

You know Britain peace and people. You know the idea of peace. You know who could be against peace? I think creator made this point very well. Who could be against peace? Seems to stand for reason. And of course this connects directly with appeasement, because many of the Conservative Appeasers were, you know, were saying the same thing which is not to say there were fascist. I'm being, I want to be very clear about I'm not using being fascist, I'm just saying there is a consonance.

Between what they were saying and that makes that's important, I think.

Her off the back shoot black shirts. OK, this is 34 January 34th beginning of the creation of the Blackshirts of well of the fascist British Union of fascists. And I've got a few a few photographs here. This is Olympia meeting. I'm going to get onto the film in about a minute. I've got a bit of film to show the Olympia meeting, which saw 500 communists. Managed to get tickets to this, but it was the reaction against the violence of the fascist stewards.

The Blackshirts who are in uniform as you can see here, who beat up the those people were heckling, which led to a reaction against the British Union fascists. Here's another, you know, this is this is.

Black shirted members. You know their organization, they love. They loved they. They often think this idea of militarism was very important to fascist organisations. There's mostly holding forth I've got a few shots of him and this is my favorite photograph of us were mostly getting hit by a stone.

Didn't like that he made the mistake of going to Liverpool is a mistake to go to Liverpool. Make a speech like this you know and he really you know.

So it didn't do very well, and he quite often got hit. I mean, he's another.

By the good photograph within, you know. Again, this is after attempting to address the people Liverpool. Not a good good idea. And then there are other apps 'cause it wasn't just the East End of London. You see where he's. You know there was a lot of lot of hostility to the back shares labor generally left it through the communists. To organize this, though labor had quite the Battle of cable. St of course is the most famous one and I've got some film, so I'm going to stop.

This and start my film which a lot of it's self evident I think think it's queued up. If I could just put the sound on and get the.

Ish, so this is this is a film about the Battle of cable street. If I can find where it is.

I've lost it now.

Scott, honestly, I had this care. I did have this setup actually, which is very interesting.

No.

I'm going to have to find it again, I think.

Yeah, I'm going to try again here to do this.

Should work.

I think, Yep, that's The One.

So here we go.

Yeah, we got it, but in the mid 30s onwards there was a new and sinister political movement which attempted to use the crowd as an instrument of power.

Oswald Mosley and his British Union of fascists believed that fervent nationalism and strict military discipline were needed to pull Britain out of the depression.

Down the lives of great nations comes on moment of decision comes a moment of destiny and this nation again and again in the great owners of its face.

Right convention has swept aside the Little Man of talking of delay.

Your fellow man and moments off there. We go forward to action triple dare. Follow us in the tower. That is the Palmer from my Kimura Britain and I mostly's party had created a quasi military wing of around 15,000 black shirts. They attracted strong support from a broad spectrum of society including the middle and upper classes.

The flag waving marches of the fascists provoked a battle for the streets with one of their main enemies.

The Communist Party.

Support for the communist was growing in strength in areas of high unemployment while loyalties to established political parties were breaking down.

All we had known before we got involved with it with the Communist Party was the great British Empire.

And then when the communists come along and start telling us how we could make it a different kind of country.

Where everybody is going to be equal then we bought it because we thought was great. It were going to be equal with everybody would never ever going to be hungry anymore.

And would never have to have patches on what clothes and add mending your shoes or keep me off school 'cause you don't have a pair of boots.

And then we're going to solve all this.

And there was a black shirt stunt trying to keep us in to be servants again. So This is why we did it.

Confrontations between crowds of fascists and communists were not confined to the capital. There were in fact regular clashes in cities all over Britain.

German movement now had the opportunity to emulate once they started speaking. We staffed allow them a certain time before the fighting started because.

The police seized to come down and warn first if we didn't disperse.

Then we would be in trouble, but of course once you were in there, you couldn't.

Couldn't very well get out except going down these little alleyways of going against the police at the top. And you couldn't possibly do that 'cause there's too many of them so used to end up as one huge big Meli in the middle. And it was a riot.

Anybody in the cities who was in between us and the black shirts with their supporters, so we should be covering. Of course we sometimes got into quick and we should be clobbering each other before we knew who the hell we were.

The Blackshirts didn't give the police a lot of trouble because they were told to keep a low key on on that way they wanted all the owners in the blame for the riots to come on us, because people like Oswald Mosley had a hell of a following and I had a lot of powerful friends so that the Blackshirts were pretty protected.

So we were the target. The Blackshirts weren't the target. We were that old.

The fascist tactics of provocative but orderly marches frequently led the police to see Mosley's opponents as the instigators of the riots that followed.

The large Jewish community in London's East End became a principal target for the Blackshirts Antisemitism.

If you are youngster brought up in the sending the 30s, you weren't a stranger to politics becausw they had political meetings on every corner there be the lab party, the Communist Party's kids were standing. Listen, we'd also listen to the fastest meetings and they were held on many corners to Anfora Jewish kid. They were belting out their message of hate and we'd hear of the attacks on the Jews in the stand by them. And we learned to hate back.

As part of their campaign of terror, the fascists planned a March through the Jewish East End. On October 4th, 1936.

They were faced with the community, determined to defend itself.

There appeared the white wash signs all over the pavements. They shall not pass. There were posters. There were leaflets asking everybody in. These tend to form what I can only describe as a human wall. You won't ask to go and fight. You were asked to block the streets, blocked the Rose so the fastest couldn't get through.

This confrontation culminated in the notorious Battle of cable St, one of the few British riots that have been well documented versus were drawn up in Royal Ministry, and they were being to be reviewed by. So as well Moseley and they that's where they lie in that, and that's where they reviewed. But as far as they went and never got any further.

And by as well continued towards gardeners corner there were thousands. You know it was so thickly. It was very difficult to get through, but around about the early afternoon the police started to try to clear.

Space for them to March.

One at the beginning, the police just wanted to clear the roads and they were pushing the people up onto the pavement, but there were too many of them. You couldn't possibly move so many people out of that wide Rd onto the pavement.

They were using the Mounted Police and the police were leaning down quite indiscriminately banging everybody in the head. It was within their reach and women were falling under the horses hooves. There was literally blood everywhere. The whole thing was absolutely petrifying.

The lack of sophistication in police tactics was vividly demonstrated both by their excessive violence by a little known incident of abject surrender.

Chemistry was very, very narrow at that time.

I am we forced out in these locker apps and pulled out lorries, carts and things made of barricades. Then the police charge the barricades but above these stores were tenements and women just leaned out from there and threw everything they could lay their hands on down onto the police and when I say everything I mean everything hot water, boiling water, kitchen, oil, fat, same thing.

And I ran into the shed, Sir, to hide and then a lot of women came down and started banging at the shed doors and kicking the shed doors. And finally they came out again and surrendered where their hands in the air.

Well, we were all the non plasmin nervous ever so policemen surrender and what do you do?

So we took their helmets and told him to shove off.

In an atmosphere of growing police panic, beleaguered officers made token arrests.

As a placement, he was just going to warm it up by the head and I punched him on the chin.

I was interested in about 12 or 14 police took me to lemon street police station.

There is about 14 or 15 or sell because with so many arrests had no way to pump. Then about 6:00 o'clock we heard the news that Sevilla game chief of the police and their time had told mostly would not take responsibility and he would not allow mostly to March in Easton at all. And you, of course, we gradually got this news and everybody shouting and cheering and banging away in Oregon was alright. Carry on.



After Cable St, uniform marches were outlawed and with the defeat of fascism in 1945, it was assumed that Britain had seen the last of mostly Israelis and the racism that went with them.

But from the mic.

Yes so.

Quite a useful little film, I think too. You know, to finish with which you know it's good to get some people who were actually witnesses to history talking primary sources.